The Prussian general and military theorist Carl von Clausewitz famously said that war is politics continued by other means. This is certainly true of the Israeli-Hamas conflict, and when one is confused, so is the other.

A key example is the issue of the hostages. During a dramatic raid to rescue four of them, the Israelis are reported to have killed over 300 Palestinians. This ratio cannot be repeated, not simply because it is completely unjust, but because the more Palestinians killed, the less likely Hamas is to negotiate the hostages’ release. But if the Israelis cut back hostilities aimed at freeing the hostages, the right wing ultra-orthodox parties on which Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu depends for his political survival are likely to bring down the government. Netanyahu thus finds himself in a bind. Meanwhile, relatives of the hostages are urging the government to do everything in its power to bring them — or their corpses — home. Adding to these difficulties, Israel is becoming increasingly isolated internationally because of its pursuit of the war. In short, both militarily and politically, confusion reigns.

A second key issue is the question of who will govern Gaza after the cessation of hostilities. The draft of the three-stage Israeli-U.S. cease-fire agreement leaves this purposely vague. It’s well known that President Joe Biden administration’s preference is for this task to fall to a revitalized Palestinian Authority, which now governs the West Bank. Netanyahu, however, is absolutely opposed to this, insisting that the Israelis must have a military presence in Gaza for an indefinite period after the war ends. Hamas wants to resume administering Gaza, a deal breaker for Israel.

One obvious solution not currently being considered is to bring in a United Nations peacekeeping force. However, this can only be done once all hostilities have ceased. As a former senior intelligence officer said bluntly, “There is no good solution here and everyone knows it.”

Another issue to be considered is the relationship of Israel to the United States. Historically, the U.S has been Israel’s strongest ally and, as a member of the United Nations Security Council, has repeatedly vetoed proposals seen as threatening Israel’s security and sovereignty. In June, however, the U.S. and Israel drafted a three-part cease-fire proposal passed by the Security Council. Netanyahu, however, rejects the proposal, in part because it calls for an immediate and permanent cease-fire.

Militarily, the overall picture of the relationship is no clearer. Until recently, the U.S. has supplied Israel with most of the arms that it needs to pursue the war, including armored vehicles, planes, bombs and artillery shells. In May, the Biden administration announced that it would be restricting delivery of most of these weapons. The funds used to buy them were also cut. Netanyahu made a personal protest to President Biden, without success. Yet, last month, the Biden administration announced that Israel would be getting $3 billion worth of F35s, the Air Force’s premier warplane (albeit in 2028), an obvious signal to reassure their nervous ally.

It’s reasonable to think that, in such a deadly conflict, war aims on either side would be clear. Yet in spite of the Israeli government apparently agreeing to the three-part peace proposal, Netanyahu has categorically stated that the war won’t end until Hamas has been eradicated militarily and administratively. If Netanyahu carries out this plan, thousands more Palestinians will die.

As for Hamas, its war aim appears to be Netanyahu’s worst nightmare: a permanent cease-fire, followed by a role in governing Gaza and the return of several hundred prisoners of war held by the Israelis.

To untangle these confusions, it’s necessary to focus on three points currently under discussion. First, there must be an immediate and permanent cease-fire. Second, the hostages must be brought home safely. Third, and most important of all, the Oslo Accords must be revived, with the aim of making real progress towards a two-state solution. Without this — it’s the root of all the problems — the road to peace will be very long indeed.

Richard Ogle, of Camden, is a writer, researcher and business consultant. He has a doctorate in linguistics from UCLA and is the author of “Smart World: Breakthrough Creativity and the New Science of Ideas,” published by Harvard Business School Press.